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The Government of The United States of America is not accepting responsibility for the Missile attack against Syria on April 6th, 2017!
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The Government of The United States of America is not accepting responsibility for the Missile attack against Syria on April 6th, 2017!
The Government of The United States of America is not accepting responsibility for the Missile attack against Syria on April 6th, 2017!
April 8, 2017Published on 04-08-2017 by THE REIGN OF THE HEAVENS SOCIETY POST
International Public Notice
It is vary apparent that the Virginia Company ( the Company) doing business as the United States of America and the United States have never read the Law of Nations.
The event of Thursday night, April 6th, 2017 was a clear violation of the Law of Nations also known as International law today. The charter of the United Nations was an addition to the Law of Nations when it was created.
The Law of Nations is very clear on matters of war:
the LAW of NATIONS, Book III of War chapter I, Of War,—its different Kinds,—and the Right of making War.
Definition: War is that state in which we prosecute our right by force.
Public war is that which takes place between nations or sovereigns, and which is carried on in the name of the public power, and by its order.
This is the war we are here to consider:—private war, or that which is carried on between private individuals, belongs to the law of nature
properly so called.
This is the war we are here to consider:—private war, or that which is carried on between private individuals, belongs to the law of nature
properly so called.
In treating of the right to security (Book II. Chap. IV.)we have shewn that nature gives men a right to employ force, when it is necessary for
their defence, and for the preservation of their rights. This principle is generally acknowledged: reason demonstrates it; and nature herself has engraved it on the heart of man.
their defence, and for the preservation of their rights. This principle is generally acknowledged: reason demonstrates it; and nature herself has engraved it on the heart of man.
As nature has given men no right to employ force, unless when it becomes necessary for self-defence and the preservation of their rights
(Book II. §49, &c.), the inference is manifest, that, since the establishment of political societies, a right, so dangerous in its exercise, no longer
remains with private persons, except in those rencounters where society cannot protect or defend them. In the bosom of society, the public authority decides all the disputes of the citizens, represses violence, and checks every attempt to do ourselves justice with our own hands. If a
private person intends to prosecute his right against the subject of a foreign power, he may apply to the sovereign of his adversary, or to the
magistrates invested with the public authority: and if he is denied justice by them, he must have recourse to his own sovereign, who is obliged to
protect him. It would be too dangerous to allow every citizen the liberty of doing himself justice against foreigners; as, in that case, there would
not be a single member of the state who might not involve it in war. And how could peace be preserved between nations, if it were in the
power of every private individual to disturb it? A right of so momentous a nature,—the right of judging whether the nation has real grounds of
complaint,—whether she is authorised to employ force, and justifiable in taking up arms,—whether prudence will admit of such a step,—and
whether the welfare of the state requires it,—that right, I say, can belong only to the body of the nation, or to the sovereign, her representative.
It is doubtless one of those rights, without which there can be no salutary government, and which are therefore called rights of majesty (Book I.
§45).
(Book II. §49, &c.), the inference is manifest, that, since the establishment of political societies, a right, so dangerous in its exercise, no longer
remains with private persons, except in those rencounters where society cannot protect or defend them. In the bosom of society, the public authority decides all the disputes of the citizens, represses violence, and checks every attempt to do ourselves justice with our own hands. If a
private person intends to prosecute his right against the subject of a foreign power, he may apply to the sovereign of his adversary, or to the
magistrates invested with the public authority: and if he is denied justice by them, he must have recourse to his own sovereign, who is obliged to
protect him. It would be too dangerous to allow every citizen the liberty of doing himself justice against foreigners; as, in that case, there would
not be a single member of the state who might not involve it in war. And how could peace be preserved between nations, if it were in the
power of every private individual to disturb it? A right of so momentous a nature,—the right of judging whether the nation has real grounds of
complaint,—whether she is authorised to employ force, and justifiable in taking up arms,—whether prudence will admit of such a step,—and
whether the welfare of the state requires it,—that right, I say, can belong only to the body of the nation, or to the sovereign, her representative.
It is doubtless one of those rights, without which there can be no salutary government, and which are therefore called rights of majesty (Book I.
§45).
War is either defensive or offensive. He who takes up arms to repel the attack of an enemy, carries on a defensive war. He who is foremost in
taking up arms, and attacks a nation that lived in peace with him, wages offensive war. The object of a defensive war is very simple; it is no other
than self-defence: in that of offensive war, there is as great a variety as in the multifarious concerns of nations: but, in general, it relates either
to the prosecution of some rights, or to safety.We attack a nation with a view either to obtain something to which we lay claim, to punish her
for an injury she has done us, or to prevent one which she is preparing to do, and thus avert a danger with which she seems to threaten us. I do
not here speak of the justice of war: that shall make the subject of a particular chapter:—all I here propose is to indicate, in general, the various
objects for which a nation takes up arms,—objects which may furnish lawful reasons, or unjust pretences, but which are at least susceptible
of a colour of right. I do not therefore, among the objects of offensive war, set down conquest, or the desire of invading the property of others:—
views of that nature, destitute even of any reasonable pretext to countenance them, do not constitute the object of regular warfare, but
of robbery, which we shall consider in its proper place.
taking up arms, and attacks a nation that lived in peace with him, wages offensive war. The object of a defensive war is very simple; it is no other
than self-defence: in that of offensive war, there is as great a variety as in the multifarious concerns of nations: but, in general, it relates either
to the prosecution of some rights, or to safety.We attack a nation with a view either to obtain something to which we lay claim, to punish her
for an injury she has done us, or to prevent one which she is preparing to do, and thus avert a danger with which she seems to threaten us. I do
not here speak of the justice of war: that shall make the subject of a particular chapter:—all I here propose is to indicate, in general, the various
objects for which a nation takes up arms,—objects which may furnish lawful reasons, or unjust pretences, but which are at least susceptible
of a colour of right. I do not therefore, among the objects of offensive war, set down conquest, or the desire of invading the property of others:—
views of that nature, destitute even of any reasonable pretext to countenance them, do not constitute the object of regular warfare, but
of robbery, which we shall consider in its proper place.
It is claimed by the Company that Assad attacked innocent civilians with chemical weapons after a Missile Attack had already been ordered and carried out. Further the Company claimed that the Assad Regime threatens the safety and security of the “United States and its allies” after a punishment had been implemented against Syria.
There was no proof that the Assad Regime attacked innocent civilians other than a news report coming from a source known as Cable News Network (“CNN”) wherein was accused of being a fake news network in February and was not invited to White House Briefings.
This violation of the law of nations by the Company was committed under arbitrary conditions sparked by fake news which could result in a World War III.
International due process was ignored, a trial was commenced against a sovereign nation, the sovereign nation was judged based on fake news, the jury consisted of close relatives of the CEO of the Company, and the execution was commenced on April 6th, 2017 after a promise was made to the Companies voters that acts of intervention against sovereign nations was not to be tolerated and against international law. Further, the Company is well aware of the Law of Nations wherein it states within its charter: To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offenses against the Law of Nations; Article I Section 8 of the charter (constitution) of the United States.
Any recourse from this act committed by the Company CEO is not the responsibility of the Government of The United States of America under the Articles of Confederation as amended August 5th, 2015 or the country of The United States of America under the Law of Nations which is the Law of the Land.
04-08-2017
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